Haiti: From Chaos and Insecurity to New Horizons

After a long period of indifference from international organizations regarding the wave of violence and crime that has been shaking Haiti in recent times, the Organization of American States (OAS) convened a session of its Permanent Council.

The objective was to promote greater involvement of the regional organization in the search for solutions to the multidimensional crisis currently affecting the Caribbean nation.

Just days before that hemispheric conclave, and following a prolonged diplomatic rift, Ambassador Emmanuel Fritz Longchamp, a seasoned diplomat, presented his credentials to the government of the Dominican Republic.

In a historic and unprecedented act in the Dominican Republic, President Luis Abinader, along with former presidents Hipólito Mejía, Danilo Medina, and the undersigned, agreed—through the Economic and Social Council (CES), with the participation of political, social, and business leaders—to develop a national unity plan to address the challenges posed by the Haitian crisis.

All of this points to the emergence of a new dynamic regarding the situation in the neighboring country. The level of neglect and abandonment by the international community since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021 has generated an economic, humanitarian, and security crisis in the land of Toussaint Louverture—one so severe that it can no longer be ignored, given its potential impact not only on the Dominican Republic but on the entire region.

In our case, the CES initiative seeks to address six fundamental areas that link us to Haiti: migration, national security, development of the border area, bilateral trade, labor issues, and international relations.

From Duvalier to a Diminished Democracy

When Jean-Claude Duvalier (Baby Doc) fell from power in 1986, ending 29 years of dictatorship begun by his father François Duvalier, a wave of relief and hope swept over Haiti, with the expectation of a democratic future.

That hope materialized further in 1990, when former Salesian priest and proponent of liberation theology, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, won the presidential election by a landslide with 67% of the popular vote.

However, like Juan Bosch in the Dominican Republic, Aristide’s government was overthrown by a military coup just seven months after taking office.

Authoritarianism returned, but as the United States was actively promoting democracy in the region at the time, Aristide was reinstated in 1994 to complete his interrupted term.

With support from the Lavalas Political Organization—founded by Aristide—René Préval won the 1995 elections by a massive margin, securing 88% of the vote.

In Haiti’s contemporary history, Préval represents a golden era of democratic political stability, having completed two non-consecutive five-year terms—an unprecedented feat in the democracy of the first country in the Americas to abolish slavery.

Aristide, having distanced himself from Préval for embracing neoliberal policies, returned to power in 2001 with a massive 92% of the vote.

He seemed like a political colossus, embodying Haiti’s aspirations for freedom and prosperity. He had resisted dictatorship and, in a bid to eliminate remnants of the Tonton Macoutes, disbanded the Haitian army.

However, internal dissent gave rise to an anti-Aristide movement that, through armed insurrection, took control of Gonaïves and Cap-Haïtien, eventually reaching Port-au-Prince and forcing Aristide into exile in South Africa.

That occurred in 2004—the year Haiti celebrated its bicentennial of independence, the first achieved in Latin America. Ironically, it was also the year that, due to its inability to ensure political coexistence, Haiti came under the control of the United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH).

A Collapsed State

After two years of interim government, René Préval—whom I had the opportunity to meet during both of his terms—returned to power in 2006, once again restoring political stability in Haiti.

But tragedy struck again with the devastating 2010 earthquake, which killed over 200,000 people, injured hundreds of thousands, and destroyed key infrastructure in Port-au-Prince.

In that catastrophe, the Dominican Republic played an exemplary role in solidarity—something the international community widely acknowledged.

Préval was succeeded by Michel Martelly (Sweet Micky), who served his term amid constant popular protests.

Without the presence of MINUSTAH, chaos intensified during the administration of Jovenel Moïse. His legitimacy was questioned from the outset, and his presidency was marred by allegations of corruption and suspected ties to organized crime. In July 2021, in a tragic and dramatic turn of events, he was assassinated in his own bedroom.

Since then, all hell has broken loose in Haiti. Criminal gangs—initially funded by politicians and businessmen to protect their interests—have grown and spread unchecked.

The already fragile Haitian state has collapsed. More than 200 gangs have formed various coalitions. They kidnap, extort, torture, and kill with extreme cruelty.

In a gesture of solidarity, Kenya deployed a police contingent which, despite undeniable efforts, has not succeeded in overpowering them. In desperation, outraged citizens have resorted to vigilante justice, enforcing the law of retaliation.

In light of this total breakdown, a new solution has been proposed: to hire mercenaries from the private military company Blackwater Worldwide to conduct lethal operations against the criminal gangs.

Meanwhile, in the Dominican Republic, we must fully implement the National Plan for Border Protection, to safeguard our territorial integrity and ensure the security of all our citizens.